Making Open Development Inclusive: Lessons from IDRC Research. Capítulo 9. Who Benefits from Open Models? The Role of ICT Access in the Consumption of Open Activities. Making Open Development Inclusive: Lessons from IDRC Research. Capítulo 9. Who Benefits from Open Models? The Role of ICT Access in the Consumption of Open Activities

Roxana Barrantes y Paulo Matos

IDRC, MIT Press
2020

Adquirir este libro

The Internet and other information and communication technologies (ICTs) are transforming the ways in which people communicate and interact. People are now actively participating and interacting online in ways that are unthinkable in the physical world and were unimaginable just a decade ago.

In this context, the concept of open practices has arisen in the literature (see chapter 2 of this volume and Smith and Seward 2017). Open practices are a specific set of ways that people engage and participate online that involve collaborative production processes, as well as the distribution and use of free content. As articulated throughout this volume, under the right conditions, these practices have the potential to help achieve human development targets.

Yet, despite the promised benefits that these practices bring, and the great optimism with which they are sometimes treated in the literature, the reality is that society as a whole is far from benefiting equally from open activities because a large sector of the population is excluded from said benefits (Kularski and Moller 2012; Fairlie 2017; see also chapters 1 and 5 of this volume). As discussed in chapter 2, key features of what is called open are that in theory, there is no direct cost for participating in a certain platform, and anybody can do it. In practice, however, there are barriers such as hidden costs and skills that are needed in order to participate. Participation typically assumes access to the Internet, or at least a mobile network connection, and that users have reached a level of education that allows them to engage in a meaningful manner. In some cases, it is even necessary to belong to a certain social circle to even hear of the possibility of participation. The upshot of these factors is that the benefits of open practices do not accrue equitably. In this chapter, we explore the relationship of personal factors surrounding the use of ICTs and the extent to which and how someone benefits from open activities or, conversely, remains excluded. The data used in this chapter come from the After Access Survey–2017 carried out by the DIRSI1network. The survey collected information about access to and use of the Internet for five Latin American countries, each with a different per-capita income level: Argentina (high-income), Colombia and Peru (upper-middle-income), Paraguay (lower-middle-income), and Guatemala (low-income).

The data and analysis show that the socioeconomic context in which people are embedded, which affects a broad range of issues, from where people live, to education status, to how they access the Internet, to work opportunities, matters a great deal. In particular, we explore how the devices that people use and the places where people access the Internet, coupled with personal characteristics, affect their engagement and potential benefit from open activities.
Two main findings stand out. First, the more people in these countries engage in more open activities, the more familiar they are with the Internet, as reflected by the number of years they have used the Internet, or the more devices they can use. The second result is that socioeconomic context still matters: people with higher levels of education, who have a higher socioeconomic status, or who live in richer countries will engage more in open activities. The first finding gives us room to recommend sector-specific policies. The second finding leaves us recommending sound macroeconomic policies. The chapter unfolds as follows. The next section presents the theoretical framework in which we discuss the meaning of the term open and outlines the contextual elements that we have identified. The three subsequent sections provide an analysis of the data on the open use practices in the five countries. The first of these defines user profiles based on socioeconomic information and how they access the Internet. The second presents a descriptive analysis of the effect of the diverse Internet access forms on the number of open practices that the agents engage in, associated with educational purposes, government relations, job search, entertainment, and current events. Finally, the third presents our detailed analysis, using a multivariate econometric model, which outlines the impact of context (personal characteristics and type of access) on the probability that individuals engage in open practices, specifically focusing on education, government, and job search. The final section offers our concluding thoughts.

Libro completo https://www.idrc.ca/es/libros/making-open-development-inclusive-lessons-idrc-research

 

The Internet and other information and communication technologies (ICTs) are transforming the ways in which people communicate and interact. People are now actively participating and interacting online in ways that are unthinkable in the physical world and were unimaginable just a decade ago.

In this context, the concept of open practices has arisen in the literature (see chapter 2 of this volume and Smith and Seward 2017). Open practices are a specific set of ways that people engage and participate online that involve collaborative production processes, as well as the distribution and use of free content. As articulated throughout this volume, under the right conditions, these practices have the potential to help achieve human development targets.

Yet, despite the promised benefits that these practices bring, and the great optimism with which they are sometimes treated in the literature, the reality is that society as a whole is far from benefiting equally from open activities because a large sector of the population is excluded from said benefits (Kularski and Moller 2012; Fairlie 2017; see also chapters 1 and 5 of this volume). As discussed in chapter 2, key features of what is called open are that in theory, there is no direct cost for participating in a certain platform, and anybody can do it. In practice, however, there are barriers such as hidden costs and skills that are needed in order to participate. Participation typically assumes access to the Internet, or at least a mobile network connection, and that users have reached a level of education that allows them to engage in a meaningful manner. In some cases, it is even necessary to belong to a certain social circle to even hear of the possibility of participation. The upshot of these factors is that the benefits of open practices do not accrue equitably. In this chapter, we explore the relationship of personal factors surrounding the use of ICTs and the extent to which and how someone benefits from open activities or, conversely, remains excluded. The data used in this chapter come from the After Access Survey–2017 carried out by the DIRSI1network. The survey collected information about access to and use of the Internet for five Latin American countries, each with a different per-capita income level: Argentina (high-income), Colombia and Peru (upper-middle-income), Paraguay (lower-middle-income), and Guatemala (low-income).

The data and analysis show that the socioeconomic context in which people are embedded, which affects a broad range of issues, from where people live, to education status, to how they access the Internet, to work opportunities, matters a great deal. In particular, we explore how the devices that people use and the places where people access the Internet, coupled with personal characteristics, affect their engagement and potential benefit from open activities.
Two main findings stand out. First, the more people in these countries engage in more open activities, the more familiar they are with the Internet, as reflected by the number of years they have used the Internet, or the more devices they can use. The second result is that socioeconomic context still matters: people with higher levels of education, who have a higher socioeconomic status, or who live in richer countries will engage more in open activities. The first finding gives us room to recommend sector-specific policies. The second finding leaves us recommending sound macroeconomic policies. The chapter unfolds as follows. The next section presents the theoretical framework in which we discuss the meaning of the term open and outlines the contextual elements that we have identified. The three subsequent sections provide an analysis of the data on the open use practices in the five countries. The first of these defines user profiles based on socioeconomic information and how they access the Internet. The second presents a descriptive analysis of the effect of the diverse Internet access forms on the number of open practices that the agents engage in, associated with educational purposes, government relations, job search, entertainment, and current events. Finally, the third presents our detailed analysis, using a multivariate econometric model, which outlines the impact of context (personal characteristics and type of access) on the probability that individuals engage in open practices, specifically focusing on education, government, and job search. The final section offers our concluding thoughts.

Libro completo https://www.idrc.ca/es/libros/making-open-development-inclusive-lessons-idrc-research